Monday, January 26, 2009
Ricardo McKendrick (Black Mafia) update
Insider information could help authorities target drug kingpins
The US Attorney's Office for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania has posted McKendrick's recent indictment (in .pdf format):
April 2008 Indictment of Ricardo McKendrick, Sr. and Ricardo McKendrick, Jr.
For previous coverage of McKendrick's situation, see:
Philly's Black Mafia in the news (again)
Saturday, April 12, 2008
International justice links
Most often my work focused on transnational organized crime (especially illicit trades and related money laundering) with a bit of research into law enforcement and other forms of social control. For seven summers beginning in the 1990s, I had the fortunate opportunity to study and teach at the Leiden University in The Netherlands.
Those experiences - the lessons learned and relationships formed - continue to influence much of my work. Interested parties may wish to consult the following:
Dutch-specific
Netherlands Institute for the Study of Crime and Law Enforcement (NSCR)
The Dutch Ministry of Justice
WODC Homepage
Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Transnational crime (in no particular order)
Nathanson Centre for the Study of Organized Crime and Corruption
The Transnational Crime and Corruption Center at American University
International Association for the Study of Organized Crime
IALEIA
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs
Consular Affairs
CIA - The World Factbook - Guide to Country Profiles
National Criminal Justice Reference Service
International Center | National Institute of Justice
Office of International Criminal Justice
Friday, April 11, 2008
White-collar crime links
John Jay College - The Center on Cybercrime Studies
Internet Crime Complaint Center (IC3)
Center for Identity Management and Information Protection
NATIONAL CONSORTIUM OF WHITE COLLAR CRIME RESEARCH
International White-Collar Crime Centers
About Computer Crime Research Center
Controlling White Collar Crime
WCC-Related Sites
Government/funded
FINRA Investor Education Foundation - Home Page
Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN)
United States Secret Service: Electronic Crimes Task Forces and Working Groups
U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission
Quasi-government/funded
National White Collar Crime Center
National White Collar Crime Center - Partnerships
Private
International Due Diligence, Investigations and Compliance Solutions from NFC Global, LLC
Association of Certified Fraud Examiners
Misc.
What's Behind the Drop in Corporate Fraud Indictments?
A Former Fraudster Speaks Out about White Collar Crime
The Exclusive Source of Practical Fraud-Fighting Advice
A Former Fraudster Speaks Out about White Collar Crime
The Pros and The Cons! Gary Zeune White-Collar Crime Presentations Speakers
Securities Law -Rules Regulations Arbitration Litigation NASD NYSE SEC
Corporate Counsel Center - White Collar Crime
S.C. Opens Nation's First Cyber Crime Center
Journal of Financial Crime - About the Journal
Journal of Economic Crime Management
International Journal of Digital Evidence
International Association for the Study of Organized Crime
Nathanson Centre for the Study of Organized Crime and Corruption
The Transnational Crime and Corruption Center at American University
Welcome to the International Center
Ethics/Corporate Governance Institutes
Dartmouth College ELSI Institute :: About the Institute
Institute for Global Ethics | Home Page
The National Institute of Ethics
International Business Ethics Institute (IBEI)
Georgetown Business Ethics Institute
The Society of Corporate Compliance & Ethics
Welcome to The Ethics Institute
The Millstein Center for Corporate Governance and Performance
Penny-stock fraud/First Jersey Securities
This is problematic - and remarkable, when you consider how often such frauds are in the news. Penny-stock fraud (though not referred to as such) made its way onto the big screen in the 2000 film Boiler Room. The film fairly accurately depicts the sociology of such frauds - from the recruitment, hiring and "training" of stock scammers to the actual hustles that are all-too-often successful. For anyone seeking a sober, academic examination of boiler rooms more generally (though including financial scams), Robert J. Stevenson's classic The Boiler Room and Other Telephone Scams is invaluable.
Perhaps the most audacious of the firms known for massive penny-stock scams was Robert E. Brennan's First Jersey Securities, the subject of my current research. Unfortunately, what little I have written on the subject in academic journals is not available without subscription and thus can't be posted here. I could link to numerous internet pieces re: Brennan or FJS, but choosing which of the thousands of sites discussing the inter-related topics is a challenge. A quick primer can be found here in Forbes magazine, which dogged Brennan throughout his fabulous rise (and contributed to his precipitous fall).
As for Brennan, he resides in the Federal Correctional Facility (FCI) in Fort Dix, New Jersey, where he is serving time for bankruptcy fraud. According to the Federal Bureau of Prisons web site, he is slated for release in December 2011. This is a vid-cap of Brennan in the now-infamous Super Bowl commercial for First Jersey which ran in 1985. You can find the full-length commercial on YouTube.
One last note: Some useful resources for anyone researching or investigating stock frauds will soon be found on a page I am creating. These will be a blend of government and private agency sites, along with several academic and quasi-academic sites. Hopefully, when completed the page will become a tool for students and academics, and also for the general public. In advance of that comprehensive page, these may be of assistance:
U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC)
SEC Penny Stock Rules
SEC Microcap Stock Guide for Investors
North American Securities Administrators Association (NASAA)
Financial Industry Regulatory Authority (FINRA)
FBI White-Collar Crime and Fraud
Philly's Black Mafia in the news (again)
McKendrick, 56, as discussed in Black Brothers, Inc., was a Black Mafia member circa 1973, according to official law enforcement documents. In fact, McKendrick appeared in the infamous group photo taken in December 1973 at what was dubbed the "Black Mafia Ball" and included an amalgam of the syndicate's heavyweights and other associates. He appears (#2) on p. 97 of BBI (2007).
Some of the media coverage of the April 2, 2008 arrests can be found here [Note: Philadelphia Daily News and Philadelphia Inquirer links have been removed because they are deactivated within a week or so of an article's publication.]:
Fox 29 (Philadelphia) - also see the embedded video
Metro (Philadelphia)
Metro follow-up
Philadelphia's Sick Politics
Though I have been rather critical of the Philadelphia Inquirer on many occasions, the paper was generous enough to invite me to offer my take on the city's political culture, based on the conclusion to BBI. My submission was edited slightly, and the following op-ed was published on September 21, 2005. The paper gets the credit for the snappy title and for the related political cartoon.
Philadelphia's Sick Politics
Sean Patrick Griffin is associate professor in the administration of justice at Penn State Abington.When I talk with people in Philadelphia and its suburbs about the federal criminal probes of the city’s municipal operations, most of them call me naïve and say that federal investigators and prosecutors are wasting their time, and thus our tax money. In this view, what is being investigated (and, by the way, successfully prosecuted) is “just business.” My response is some version of No!”
True, private business often involves promises, curious deals, lavish gifts heaped on those being courted for contracts, and so on. But in the world of private business, if the brokered deal results in a less satisfactory or more costly product provided to the consumer, it’s not likely the deal will continue.
In municipal business, this model does not apply. A consumer in the private marketplace can choose among brands for a given product, but taxpayers (consumers) rely on government officials to choose among firms and entrepreneurs (brands). Corrupt officials know that, unlike in private business, consumers of city services have no way of knowing whether they are receiving the best product for the lowest price. Thus, various outsiders such as the media, watchdog groups, and law-enforcement officials are forever examining government deals looking for explicit and de facto cases of bribery, extortion and cronyism.
After so many years of pay-to-play culture, Philadelphia taxpayers have no way of calculating how much business, and thus tax revenue, has been lost because good firms stayed away from bidding for city contracts because they do not want to engage in such political chicanery. There’s also no way to estimate how much the costs of goods and services are inflated because the bidding process was fixed or otherwise illegitimate. U.S. Attorney Patrick Meehan, in announcing indictments in June 2004, decried this city’s corrupt political system and its penchant for producing inferior work and chasing good firms away: “Who can blame them? When the game is rigged, why play at all?”
Some of the scams are rigged in a special Philly way. These concern the city’s Minority Business Enterprise Council (MBEC) apparatus. Other cities have seen crooked manipulations of the MBEC process by non-minorities. But in Philadelphia, it’s different. The city’s MBEC problems include racketeering schemes in which legitimate companies were effectively precluded from obtaining municipal work unless they dealt with specific MBEC-certified firms. In several cases unearthed by the Inquirer and other media, this has meant that otherwise above-board municipal contracts were tainted by no-show jobs and cost increases. Thus, instead of the more usual “donations” to gain access to government contracts, individuals have had to enlist the “services” – real or fictitious – of a politically connected minority subcontractor.
It’s pay-to-play with a savvy twist, since the outward appearance is morally and politically powerful. Politicians can claim they are champions of the “disadvantaged,” all the while conniving to funnel significant MBEC work to their wealthy, powerful, connected pals. This often results in kickbacks to these politicians or their political machines. All of this, of course, harms the real MBEC populations, while the pols pulling the strings claim more such deals are needed to reach the (legitimate, unconnected) minority-run firms that get shut out of the process.
Such scams have a long, too long, pedigree in this town. In their heyday 30 years ago, the city’s notorious Black Mafia similarly exploited government initiatives for poor, inner-city minorities, led by their infamous – and bogus – “community development” organization, Black Brothers, Inc. As I traced its contemporary ties to “legitimate” society through dizzying lists of corporate and nonprofit boards, it became clear that there was a remarkably tight-knit core of power brokers in the city. The city seems more like a small town with small-town politics orchestrated by long-standing ties among a select, powerful few.
Many Philadelphians have accepted cronyism. Others seem to take a bizarre, macho pride in the wink-and-a-nod status quo. So it’s not entirely surprising that a prominent civic leader recently suggested renaming Spring Garden Elementary School in honor of the late power lawyer Ron White, whose name is now closely linked with the corruption scandals.
Because of Philadelphia’s decades-long single-party rule, the ingrained political culture, and the lack of public outrage (other than from those who have fled the city), I believe convicted former City Treasurer Corey Kemp when he says – from his jail confines – “I didn’t think I was doing anything criminal.” After all, to him it was probably just business.
African-American Organized Crime: On Screen and In Print
American Gangster ostensibly depicts the life story of Frank Lucas, and includes brief mentions of another infamous NYC-based drug dealer named Leroy "Nicky" Barnes. The two have since gotten their fair share of media coverage. Personally, I would have preferred a film - and thus related media attention - on the other African-American gangster based in New York from that era who also had international ties: Frank Matthews. To my knowledge, Matthews is still on the loose, after jumping bail in 1973, and is widely assumed to be in a foreign land enjoying the millions of illicit proceeds he had squirreled away in the offshore financial underground. In any event, the hoopla surrounding the Washington-Crowe film has added to the discussions already underway because of HBO's critically-acclaimed show The Wire, and because of BET's hit documentary program American Gangster, which is unrelated to the feature film (although an episode of AG in its second season examined Frank Lucas).
To someone who has researched black organized crime for more than 15 years, and who has endured the ignorance and reticence of various audiences in the media and in academia to this topic, projects such as these (however sensational) are refreshing and needed additions to the otherwise myopic and stereotypical discussions of the underworld. Why it took this long to get such significant historical and sociological phenomena into the mainstream is its own fascinating and frustrating story, one which needs examining.